This post will be long, partly wonkish, and partly just odd. I have to work up a little courage to write
this, because in a way it’s a minor assault on the dominant economic paradigms
of recent decades.
I’ve been trying to figure out how to comment on a quick
exchange that took place a few weeks ago that included blog posts by Mark
Thoma, Simon
Wren-Lewis, Paul
Krugman, Robert
Waldmann and David
Glasner, among others. It’s over an issue that has come up before, and
which I think will come up again and again over the next few years, because I
think we’re at a shifting point in economic theory, partly due to the complete
failure of macroeconomists to foresee the severity of our recent
mini-depression, and partly due to the disastrously wrong predictions that
flowed in rivers from the neoclassical economists about the possible impacts of
macroeconomic policies. Investors will
flee from U.S. debt soon, soon, soon!! Hyperinflation is just around the
corner!! Interest rates through the
roof!! Austerity will solve all of our problems!! Really?
Well---no. Not really. The real
world did not behave anything like that.
The question in this blog exchange is: what the heck
happened forty years ago when the old Keynesian economics many of us older
folks were taught in school more or less vanished from the journals and
conferences and textbooks, and was replaced by rational expectations and
neoclassical micro-founded macro models?
In this now forty-year-old counterrevolution to Keynes, macroeconomics
starts with agents at the micro level who rationally, with infinite mathematical
precision, select a present action that maximizes their overall welfare by
trading off their welfare in the present time with their expected welfare in
future times. This trade of present
against future is an absolute in these models: it has to be there, or the model
is suspect. All of the bloggers above see
this wholesale expulsion of meso-Keynesian theory from the academic
respectability as a bad thing, although some seem to approve at least part of
the neoclassical vision. Simon
Wren-Lewis, for example, starts by saying that “intertemporal theory is the right place to start in
thinking about consumption, and exploring the implications of time
inconsistency is very important to macro policy.” Waldmann disagrees, and to some extent I do
too, for reasons I’ll talk about below. But
it was Glasner, whose blog posts are almost as long as mine, who wrote openly
and eloquently what I have been feeling for forty years, but was too intimidated
to say out loud:
“the New Classicals chose to use
microfoundations as a methodological justification for the extreme unrealism of
the rational-expectations assumption…
Meekly
and unreflectively, modern macroeconomics has succumbed to the absurd and arrogant methodological authoritarianism of the New Classical Revolution. What an
embarrassment.”
Wow. And yes,
exactly.
There is one point I want to add to the excellent blog
exchange from a few weeks ago, but I’ll start obliquely, because it was this
personal experience a few days ago that reminded me of it:
From time to time, when I find myself idly staring at the
walls in the evening, too groggy to write a blog post or even read one but
still too awake to retire altogether, I wander to YouTube to see what I can
find. Usually I’m looking for some kind
of classical guitar music, or old acoustic blues, but the column of related
videos down the right hand side of the YouTube web site is a grand choose-your-own-adventure
book. Once I lose control and click on
one of those links, because it seems to point to something adventurous, I end
up spending an hour or two following link after link. (Be patient.
I know the wait is making you fidgety, but I’ll get to the economics of
all this in a minute.)
I try to avoid anything that has the phrase “got talent” in
the title; I’m not a big fan of watching people embarrass themselves in public,
and that’s what those shows display much of the time. But every now and then I slip, and end up
watching the YouTube versions of a “got talent” performance. And so, late in the evening, in a quiet and
pleasant mood after a glass or two of Sauvignon Bordeaux at dinner, I ran
across a video from 2007 of the very first session of the very first winner of
Britain’s Got Talent. His name is Paul
Potts. Since I don’t follow these shows
I had never heard of him; maybe you have.
The performance was astounding. But I don’t really want to talk about Mr.
Potts. I want to talk about the
reactions of the judge named Amanda.
Because the point of all of this is to comment on her description of Mr.
Potts once he had finished performing.
So
here’s the link. Take a look, and
watch Amanda.
What did you think of her, and how she acted and what she
said? She was clearly enormously moved
by him; it was all she could do to keep her eyes dry toward the end. She had to breathe heavily during the last phrases
of the aria that he chose to sing, Nessun Dorma (“no one sleeps”) from
Turandot, and finally she had to press her cheeks with her palms to keep the
tears from launching from her eyes, flooding the desktop and ruining her TV makeup.
I don’t blame her. Sitting ten feet from
a voice like that must feel like standing at the far end of a jetty when the
typhoon hits.
And when she said what she said---that he was “a little lump
of coal that is going to turn into a diamond”---I could hardly do anything but
completely agree. (I don’t know if
you’re an opera fan, but if not, trust me: that was an awe-inspiring
performance for a Welsh mobile phone salesman, as you could see toward the end
when the entire panel of judges was staring open mouthed at the stage.)
Later in the video she talks about finding frogs that are
going to turn into princes.
It was not for half an hour, and another few links down the
evening’s chain of music---and I admit, a few returns to watch Mr. Potts
perform again---that I finally thought: wait a minute. Turn into
a diamond? He already was a diamond, wasn’t he? She was visibly moved by the voice he already had, the performance he could already give. What was she thinking was going to
change? Was she forecasting that his
performance that night would bring him fame and fortune, and that those things,
fame and fortune, would make him a diamond or a prince? No. I
don’t really believe that. I don’t think
she had really thought through what she meant.
If presented with this argument, I think she would agree that he might
have been a frog at some point, but he had already turned himself into a prince
long ago.
Because that voice didn’t just emerge from his mouth that
evening by spontaneous generation. Somewhere along the road, probably in his
early childhood, he fell in love with opera, and spent long, long hours working
at it, working at it, and yes, performing.
He had to have had training, as well.
Lots of it. Years of it. He may have been the lead in his high school
musical, and sung in choirs, and done some community theater musicals or
something, and probably been part of an amateur opera company. Amateur: for
free! I think the rules of entry to
the “got talent” shows is that you haven’t made money with your talent in the
past. But even without being paid for it
he sang, and sang, and sang, and trained and trained and sang scales and sang
arpeggios, and sang phrases, again and again, to achieve that voice. Some of the singing was undoubtedly fun for
him, but much wasn’t; it was hard practice, and he did it when he was
tired. He did it after long days at
Carphone Warehouse. Doing all of that,
and having the driving desire in him to stick with all of that, made him a
prince long before he entered “Britain’s Got Talent”. That show was just the first time the rest of
us had been given an opportunity to notice that there was a prince living among
us, selling mobile phones in Wales.
And that, of course, is why there are competitions like
Britain’s Got Talent: we know that the world is full of things we haven’t seen,
and full of people working hard, alone, often for free, to do things that may
someday amaze us. This hidden world of
dedicated work is like a current deep under the surface of the ocean, like
magma deep under the ground, invisible to us, but moving and pushing until,
sometimes, it breaches the surface and changes everything.
Which made me think about the nearly universal assumption in
labor-leisure trade-off models that we are all so abysmally lazy that we can
only be induced to work by offering us a wage that is worth more to us than our
leisure time. Leisure time?? How do
these models explain Paul Potts, and the fact that he worked so hard for so
long, working to exhaustion without ever being paid, and training at his own
expense? Why did he do that? But more relevant to this post, it also made
me think about the distribution of information in a market economy and about Hayek and the role of
prices, and, yes, about the ubiquitous, insistent use of macro models based
on every agent’s ability to rationally, precisely, trade present and future
welfare. If we are all so good at seeing
the future, and basing present actions on their present and future impacts, how
do we explain the fact that Mr. Potts could suddenly appear in front of us
fully trained, a magnificent opera singer? You understand that in order to form a present
expected value of future outcomes we have to be able to define all the possible
future outcomes, and attach a probability to each of them. Where is Mr. Potts in our rational
deliberations? How can we attach a
probability to something we don’t even know could ever exist? Did the price system really convey to us all
the information that we could possibly find useful about his existence?
I don’t mean to dismiss Hayek here; just the opposite. As far as it goes, his paper is right. He explained his point very well in the link
above. Hayek was trying to compare a
price mechanism in a competitive economy with a central authority that simply
imposed an answer. His point was that
the economy is so complicated, and the actors so local, that no central
authority could possibly know enough to solve the complete problem of proper
behavior, proper production and consumption, by every possible consumer and
business, and of every possible resource and product. Importantly, it’s not just that the problem
is too big for us to calculate. Maybe a
bigger computer could fix that. It’s that
the required information is just too
obscure and far too widely distributed, and constantly changing. No individual, and no central authority, can
possibly weigh one change against another, and allocate resources to
accommodate them all, simply because only
the few people involved in the changes are really aware of them. A price mechanism manages to convey just
exactly enough information, if we want to call it that, or enough incentive, so
that each local actor everywhere will react in more or less the right way to
adjust current demand and supply to distant changes he or she cannot possibly
know about, simply because scarcity causes prices to rise, and so induces each
actor to use less or produce more, and abundance causes prices to decline, and
so induces each actor to use more or produce less of whatever it is. We never have to know why a scarcity or
abundance has happened.
And I agree with that completely---in the instant. Paul Potts is an opera singer who was hidden
from almost all of us until he performed in Britain’s Got Talent, and to the
extent that his long solitary efforts to achieve his skill made some resources
more scarce or abundant, we, in some infinitesimally small way, all helped to
adjust the economy to that change, even though we had no idea he existed. But we couldn’t predict his skill. The price mechanism may help us adjust in the
instant, but it can’t help us adjust to the long run emergence of something we
can’t foresee.
Our inability to forecast Mr. Potts’ skill may not strike
you as important. If not Mr. Potts, then
some singer will come along; we can forecast that. Right?
But Mr. Potts is not the only person out there working from sheer
dedication to something, and far from our awareness. There are people who are inventing new
technologies, or new methods, or new science that will change not only what is,
but what is even possible; or new methods of attack or destruction (not all
invisible change is good). We may not
need to know what they are doing to adjust our consumption or production to materially
accommodate them, but when their efforts suddenly thrust their way into our
worlds they will transform us. And
because their activities are hidden from us we cannot possibly predict their
impact on our lives. Seemingly from out
of the blue one technology is tied to another, the clunky text based internet is
enhanced with hyperlinks, and then with a print media markup language, and the
World Wide Web explodes into a tech bubble in the 1990s. From out of the blue an obscure group of
discontents across the world decides to use commercial airliners as a weapon of
terror, and crashes them into towering buildings in New York and squatty
pentagonal buildings near Washington DC, and our political world is transformed
utterly. We can’t possibly plan
“rationally”, in the way that many microfoundation-based macroeconomic models
use that word, for a future filled with events like these that we can’t predict,
at least partly because things from distant places or distant minds, things that
Hayek’s paper says we don’t ever need to know about, will appear to us like
miracles or catastrophes when they finally reveal themselves to us fully formed.
There are undoubtedly events in the future that no one on
earth can predict, at least not yet: acts of God or human genius, sheer
incalculable accidents, chaotically emergent “shocks” to our economic system. But there are thousands upon thousands of
events, huge and tiny, that are created by human effort, events that are part of the solid ground of economic life, but that
only a few, only those that are working on them directly, can really predict;
and because there are so many of them there is no one who can predict all of
them. And because there are so many of
them, it’s absurd to act, as the modern models require, as though each
“representative agent’s” economic future were stochastic but subject to
predictive calculation, and dully reducible to “rational” expectations.
Defenders of the modern economic faith will reply that the
models may not incorporate them, because they can’t, but everyone is aware of
the possibility of rare “external” economic shocks---external to their
models. But I’m saying that these shocks
are not rare, not unusual, that they are part of the core and constant fabric
of economic life, and that everyone who is not steeped and vested in economic
theory knows it. Can we predict 6 months
out? Possibly, unless there is a major
“external” shock in the next 6 months.
But we expect to be at least a little wrong, in part because there will,
without any question, be a vast array of minor
external shocks that no central planner, and no economic forecaster, can
possibly predict. And our forecasts out
5 years, or 10 years, are the best we can do, but they will, with absolute
certainty, be wrong.
Our economics should acknowledge this fact: the general
public doesn’t try to make forecasts out that far, because unlike us they
understand that it’s an impossible task.
Even those who are working hard on one of these hidden things can’t be
sure what the reaction will be, how it will interact with other things
happening at the same time, how it will really impact the world. And they can’t predict what reactions their
ambition will cause, creating new ambitions in others. The world is busy. Nessun dorma, nessun dorma, no one
sleeps. Or rather, more accurately, we
don’t all sleep at the same time; there is always someone awake. Twenty-four hours a day someone, somewhere on
earth, is devoting long dedicated hours to creating a future event, large or
small, that will astonish the rest of us when it emerges. We see the economic surface, but far under
that the magma flows, the restless magma of human dedication, for good or evil,
presses against the world, and when the world cracks to release it all of our
prior expectations are scattered across the ground, and a new future covers
them. And that, among many reasons, is
why the perfect-world, rational-expectations, Euler-equation dominated
macroeconomics that assumes a stochastic general equilibrium future that we can
reduce to a current expectation, simply doesn’t work, and never will work no
matter how much we refine it. Others
out there are awake, and moving and working, invisible to the workaday wage
economy, and they are creating a future the representative agents in these
models can’t even imagine, much less assign a probability to and reduce to some
bland “present value”.
Nessun dorma: and for economic forecasts, including the
forecasts we attribute to the representative agents that we embed in our
models, that ground truth matters.
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